:quality(75)/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/elcomercio/XQ5Y2TPFWNA5TK7BKXQMPICLVE.jpg "Pedro Castillo Vs Tina Poluiarte: Comparison between the two administrations after almost 500 days of instability | Presidency | Executive Branch | Coup | Rolex Watches | Congress | | principle")
A comparative report prepared by the Political Analysis Group 50+ one Analyzes the same period in both governments: since the tenure of the heads of the Council of Ministers, fluctuations in each portfolio, as well as the legislative activity of both governments, their presence in the media, etc.
| Pedro Castillo | In Boluarte |
|---|---|
| Start date: July 28, 2021 | Start date: December 7, 2022 |
| Access to Power: General Elections 2021 | Access to Power: Constitutional Succession (First Vice President) |
| Political party: Peru Libre | Political Party: None (based on speculation) |
| Period of rule: 497 days | Period in Rule: 497 Days (+) |
| Out of power: The failed coup attempt (12/07/2022) | – |
For example, the analysis shows that ex-Pres Pedro Castillo He changed ministers on average every eight days, adding 81 ministers during his 497 days in office; Poluarte has been making changes every 15 days on average, adding 52 ministers to date (see map).
Meera: Dina Boluarte's approval rating drops to 7%, the lowest recorded by a president in two decades
According to the analysis, instability was a constant in the Cabinets, especially in the Ministry of the Interior (Mininter), where there were seven ministers during the era. Castillo And five so far in management Poluiarte.
All this, amid an insecurity that keeps citizens nervous: more than 80% of Peruvians feel unsafe on the streets, according to a nationwide survey conducted by Datum International for El Comercio.
In addition to the Interior, in Govt Castillo Instability also existed in agricultural development and irrigation (7), defense (6) and energy and mines (6); Meanwhile, in the Boluarte era, education (5), work (4) and production (4) topped the list respectively.
On the other hand, only three ministers remained in their positions during the aforementioned period: first, Roberto Sánchez, the congressman, but the Minister of Foreign Trade and Tourism (Mincetour) assumed power until Castillo staged a coup. of the State. Also, in the current administration, ministers Hania Pérez de Guellar (Housing) and Julio Demartini (Midis) are the longest-serving ministers.
Castillo, on the other hand, had five presidents of the Council of Ministers, Anibal Torres (The prosecution is seeking a 15-year prison sentence for the coup), who lasted 289 days in office. On the other hand, during the same period, Polwart had three and former chief of staff Alberto Otorola was the longest-tenured in the post with 441 days (see chart).
Weak Presidents and Mediocre Governments, Alejandro Boyco*
The winning presidential formula for the 2021 general election has given us two different governments, but there are many similarities between them. Dina Boluarte has already served in the presidential chair as did her predecessor Pedro Castillo, and both leaders have demonstrated the problems a country faces when it is led by presidents without the ability to govern effectively.
Balance shows at least two differences between periods. On the one hand, the coalition supporting the government was reversed after the regime change. Polwart's oath of office “until July 2026” and dozens of deaths from state repression were enough to make Castillo's voters feel betrayed. Congressional votes, ministerial oversight and vacancy motions show that groups that support the current president are more critical of his predecessor, despite efforts to deny it.
The second change is on the government's agenda. Castillo has tried to promote his own political agenda, some originating from campaign promises and personal interests, although he has had little success in implementing them (largely due to his own shortcomings). Instead, Polwarte abandoned any plan from day one to establish practical alliances with the sole goal of staying in power.
These weak presidents — without experience, without a bench, with corruption investigations — are forced to balance different interests and make concessions to preserve themselves, and we see the intensity of that degeneration. Without its own agenda, this government seems sufficient to be a table of parties for different congressional parties, many of them responsible for promoting policies similar to those of Castillo: counter-reforms and conservatism, representation of informal groups and most especially interests, and attempts to obstruct justice. For its part, the agenda imposed by the situation (security, economy and El Niño) cannot be resolved.
This is demonstrated by the frequent changes of ministers and the inability of the executive to approve a legislative agenda. It is impossible in this environment to govern with a certain autonomy from long-term horizons and immediate interests through public policies. On the contrary, these almost three years have shown that the country can be run behind the backs of the citizens, measuring serious symptoms of corruption with double standards, justifying various anti-democratic acts and changing the rules of the game is allowed. To retain some share of power, without obvious consequences.
Can future elections change this institutionalized complacency? I think there are some signs to be optimistic about. With 27 political organizations registered and two dozen more to come, the proliferation of unrepresented parties is certain. Additionally, thanks to the disparity caused by its institutional empowerment, Parliament has once again been able to bring the next president to its knees and impose the agenda of its vested interests. We witness how a president with these traits can survive. What remains to be seen is how long a country governed in this way can survive.
*50 Political scientist from UNO
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Lack of political activism and accountability
At the level of legislative activity, according to the analysis of 50+Uno, Castillo presented 91 “related” bills in the Congress of the Republic, of which a total of 43 were approved (albeit with modifications); Only 45 were proposed with 10 initiatives proposed by Boluarte.
Eight constitutional reforms (such as the Constituent Assembly) were proposed by the first and three were proposed by the second administration (elections, among others). However, none of the reforms carried out by the executive during both periods were finally approved by the national parliament.
Meanwhile, Castillo requested the delegation of economic restructuring powers to Congress, issuing a total of 29 decrees under its protection. Boluarte, for its part, made two demands: one within the framework of re-enforcement and the other in matters of civilian security, issuing decrees 27 and 50 respectively.
Regarding political control, 13 ministers were investigated during the Castillo era (former Labor Minister Iber Marawi), and nine in the Poluarte administration (such as Energy and Mines Minister Romulo Mucho).
In addition, Castillo added 4 censored ministers, while Tina Polwart has only one: Vicente Romero, former Minister of the Interior.
| Pedro Castillo | At BOULUARTE |
|---|---|
| 91 bills | 45 bills |
| Approved by: 43 projects (47%) |
Approved by: 10 projects (22%) |
| Matters provided by Congress: –Tax, Fiscal, Fiscal and Economic Reform (12/27/2021, for 90 days) |
Matters provided by Congress: –Economic restructuring and modernization of state administration (02/28/2023, for 90 days) -Citizen Security, Global Child Disaster Risk Management, Social Infrastructure, Program Quality and Eligibility (09/23/2023, for 90 days) |
| Interventions: 13 Ministers Question (30 motions moved) |
Interventions: 9 Minister's Question (37 motions tabled) |
| Audits: 4 Censorship of Ministers (8 motions presented) |
Audits: 1 Minister Censored (7 Motions Submitted) |
| *Related projects: Legislative resolutions, international agreements, notification laws, budget laws and budget transfers or creation and modification of districts are not included (Source: Source: 50+Uno) |
The report also analyzes key votes that may show support or support for the government, showing which members of parliament are most aligned with the interests of each executive.
“Support for Castillo came from former members of Perú Libre and its minister Roberto Sánchez. (…) Meanwhile, Boluarte's support is concentrated in APP, but with less frequency of support than Castillo“As mentioned in the analysis.
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Another trait they share Castillo Y Poluiarte Non-communication with the citizens through the media indicates a lack of transparency in its governance.
As for the former president, he has only given four interviews in his administration, three in January and one in February 2022. He left the post ten months after his last interview.
Meanwhile, absent Poluiarte Even more obvious after exposure Rolex case. The President has so far given only six interviews to the media in December and January 2023, when he assumed office.
| Pedro Castillo | At BOULUARTE |
|---|---|
| Hildebrand in her thirteenth year (January 2022) | The Fourth Estate (December 2022) |
| Successful (January 2022) | Latin (December 2022) |
| CNN (January 2022) | D-Day (December 2022) |
| General Diary (February 2022) | Vilax (December 2022) |
| Republic (January 2023) | |
| El Comercio (May 2023) |
Overview
For political scientist Paulo Vilca, apart from the characteristics already described, both govt Castillo etc Poluiarte “They are governments not characterized by their efficiency” And? “They are made up of ministers who are not particularly dedicated to implementing public policies and carrying out far-reaching reforms.”.
Wilka feels that after the incessant political crisis since 2016, the two governments have finally been unable to meet the demands and expectations maintained by the citizens.
“This is another element associated with them. These are usually weak governments. Both Boluarte and Castillo (mostly Boluarte) depend largely on the decisions implemented in Congress. In the case of Castillo, Congress, which had the task of monitoring, control, opposition, some spoke of obstruction. This will not happen in the case of Boluarte. However, Both depend on decisions taken in Parliament.”Wilka noted.
